Is Namibia being militarised?
FRITZ H DAUSAB, LPM GLOBAL POLITICAL COMMISSARY WRITES:
Through examining the heightened militarisation of the Namibian nation, it is becoming very clear that the Namibian Defence Force (NDF) does not follow all the laws of Namibia. The shooting and killing of civilians during current police operations and subsequent warnings by NDF management, does not bode well for peace in Namibia.
What is missing in the Namibian context is that the government elites use the "peace and stability" mantra ad infinitum, while beefing up their own security and convoys. This while ordinary citizens do not get the protection and safety assured by politicians.
The increased budgets for the NDF spells continued disaster for a small country such as Namibia, while Namibia does not need a standing army in any case. In the liberalism sphere of international politics countries who have integrated trading systems almost never go to war with one another.
What is more worrying than the build-up of the military in 29 years of peace in Namibia, is that Namibia have more pressing needs such as high levels of unemployment, skills shortage, hospitals without medicine, while Namibia has been budgeting almost 4-5% on the NDF. This is approximately N$6 billion and last year it was N$7.9 billion.
Adding the billions spent on the Namibian Police force, Namibia is effectively spending 10% of national income on defence, safety and security. Yet we face glaring social inequalities between rich and poor, receive pathetic small social grants and debt is increasing.
Money spent on NDF could have kept Namibia debt free and investor graded.
Citizens are justly worried over Operations Kalahari and Hornkranz.
The trend that has been started by Nujoma in his presidency was the building of army posts around the country. This led to an overall increase in NDF personnel and the subsequent budget increase. While NDF states that it does research and development, this in itself a lie. Israel for example does that, with the distinct advantage of turning many of its military research projects into commercial developments.
In Namibia we only have August 26, a fully owned subsidiary of the NDF, with no paper trail. For the past two decades is has never been audited. This in itself is a fiasco, as all government money and spending have to be accounted for. The further buying of "hunting farms" without informing Geingob angered the president as commander in chief.
Disregarding the president of Swapo does not bode well for future peace. Like in Zimbabwe, the military in Namibia is given wide-ranging powers and is only answerable to the army chiefs and the Constitution of Namibia. It is debatable that army chiefs with no regard for their commander can have the best interest of Namibia at heart.
What smaller political parties fear is that should any other party win, there might be an interference by NDF and subsequent diplomatic negotiations by a weak liberation movement favoured by SADC.
Namibian democracy is hanging by a very thin thread. The threat is real, because the government have no qualms about hanging onto power.
The further splitting of Team Swapo against Team Harambee brings to the fore the tribalistic notions of Team Swapo and its preferred candidate, Dr. Panduleni Itula. While Itula made it clear he will not run under Swapo flag he flip-flopped barely two weeks later when he stated that he is indeed a Swapo member.
Through examining the heightened militarisation of the Namibian nation, it is becoming very clear that the Namibian Defence Force (NDF) does not follow all the laws of Namibia. The shooting and killing of civilians during current police operations and subsequent warnings by NDF management, does not bode well for peace in Namibia.
What is missing in the Namibian context is that the government elites use the "peace and stability" mantra ad infinitum, while beefing up their own security and convoys. This while ordinary citizens do not get the protection and safety assured by politicians.
The increased budgets for the NDF spells continued disaster for a small country such as Namibia, while Namibia does not need a standing army in any case. In the liberalism sphere of international politics countries who have integrated trading systems almost never go to war with one another.
What is more worrying than the build-up of the military in 29 years of peace in Namibia, is that Namibia have more pressing needs such as high levels of unemployment, skills shortage, hospitals without medicine, while Namibia has been budgeting almost 4-5% on the NDF. This is approximately N$6 billion and last year it was N$7.9 billion.
Adding the billions spent on the Namibian Police force, Namibia is effectively spending 10% of national income on defence, safety and security. Yet we face glaring social inequalities between rich and poor, receive pathetic small social grants and debt is increasing.
Money spent on NDF could have kept Namibia debt free and investor graded.
Citizens are justly worried over Operations Kalahari and Hornkranz.
The trend that has been started by Nujoma in his presidency was the building of army posts around the country. This led to an overall increase in NDF personnel and the subsequent budget increase. While NDF states that it does research and development, this in itself a lie. Israel for example does that, with the distinct advantage of turning many of its military research projects into commercial developments.
In Namibia we only have August 26, a fully owned subsidiary of the NDF, with no paper trail. For the past two decades is has never been audited. This in itself is a fiasco, as all government money and spending have to be accounted for. The further buying of "hunting farms" without informing Geingob angered the president as commander in chief.
Disregarding the president of Swapo does not bode well for future peace. Like in Zimbabwe, the military in Namibia is given wide-ranging powers and is only answerable to the army chiefs and the Constitution of Namibia. It is debatable that army chiefs with no regard for their commander can have the best interest of Namibia at heart.
What smaller political parties fear is that should any other party win, there might be an interference by NDF and subsequent diplomatic negotiations by a weak liberation movement favoured by SADC.
Namibian democracy is hanging by a very thin thread. The threat is real, because the government have no qualms about hanging onto power.
The further splitting of Team Swapo against Team Harambee brings to the fore the tribalistic notions of Team Swapo and its preferred candidate, Dr. Panduleni Itula. While Itula made it clear he will not run under Swapo flag he flip-flopped barely two weeks later when he stated that he is indeed a Swapo member.
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